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Elephants live in small family groups led by old females cows. Where food is plentiful, the groups together.

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Females, on the other hand, can produce relatively few eggs over a lifetime.

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Some species are highly dimorphic; some are not. The fundamental assumption of sociobiology is that "similar" behaviours are manifest in animals and humans Wilson talks about ants having wars and slaves and that they must therefore have similar origins genetic programmes.

One common approach within this general framework of biological reductionism is to explain human sex role patterns and inequalities by reference to our primate heritage. As various critics have shown, this theory is seriously flawed. As Richard Lewontin, specialist in population genetics at Harvard, notes: "Certainly the fact that all human societies cook is a result of their genes, not because they have genes for cooking but because they have genes for solving problems in their world. Applying these theories to humans, E. Wilson suggests that occasional examples of helpful behaviour toward non-related persons are explained by an additional concept that takes care of the residual cases: "reciprocal altruism.

Similarly, chimpanzees, with whom humans share ninety-nine percent of our genes and from whom we may have diverged as little as five million years ago, are highly social animals who display a very low degree of male dominance, hierarchy, or aggression. The evidence suggests only that the big brain provides the potential for problem-solving ability such as the invention of the aeroplanenot the determination of specific behaviour dating rituals of the Savannah male as male promiscuityhowever widespread its manifestations in time and place.

In most though not all populations, the average male is taller than the average female, both at birth and after puberty, though the average difference between the sexes is a matter of inches, while the normal range of variation within each sex is more than two feet. Furthermore, like the other biologically determinist theories, sociobiology tends to ignore the variability that exists among cultural systems and cultural behaviour.

Among the Trobriand Islanders, for example, a sister's son has more rights to a man's goods than his own son, though his own son carries more of his genetic material.

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Even with identical education and equal access to all professions, men are likely to continue to play a disproportionate role in political life, business, and science. If it took genetic changes in a population to adapt to new circumstances, humans would probably have died out long ago. Published inWomen's Work, Men's Property: The Origins of Gender and Classedited by Stephanie Coontz and Peta Henderson, comprises five essays by a group of French and American feminist historians and anthropologists, in search of the sociohistorical basis of gender inequality.

And in many societies, of course, loyalty and sharing extend far beyond the family. Since males produce literally millions of sperm, any male has a better chance of fathering many individuals if he spre his sperm widely rather than investing in a few children, who could be killed.

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In some African and Native American tribes a woman becomes a female husband, and is considered the parent of the children her wife bears by various lovers. The editors' introduction, reproduced below, surveys efforts — anthropological, sociobiological, psychological, and historical — to exhume the origin of male dominance before outlining the conclusions of their own study. Male aggressive instincts are also said to have served early humans well in their role as "predators.

My own guess is that the genetic bias is intense enough to cause a substantial division of labor even in the most free and most egalitarian societies. Male dominance is one of the earliest known and most widespread forms of inequality in human history. Thus there is a genetic base for altruism, and such behaviour will be directed toward those to whom the organism is most closely related, with proportionately less investment in more distant kin or strangers. There are a of problems with this approach.

As one critic has shown, 18 nowhere do people actually behave in the manner predicted. Although mutual aid is certainly a factor in most relationships between people, genetic relatedness is clearly not the primary factor in such kinship systems. Such an atomistic view fails to take of culture as a system of interrelated traits. Intertroop encounters are rare, and friendly. This strong bias persists in most agricultural and industrial Societies and, on that ground alone, appears to have a genetic origin.

There is considerable dating rituals of the Savannah male that such stressful circumstances, especially captivity, markedly increase hierarchy and aggression. In general, research is demonstrating that the primates are capable of highly adaptive learning. To explain the origins of female subordination we need a theory that s for the control of women's work by men.

Such behaviour is said to be genetically programmed, and Wilson also speculates that there may be a genetic basis for a of other traits that he alleges to be universal, including "spiteful intrigue," aggression, national chauvinism, female monogamy, male promiscuity, and the fact that humans "are absurdly easy to indoctrinate" since they "would rather believe than know.

Male reproductive strategies

The most popular model for this approach is the baboon. Biologists are beginning to recognize that they are an outcome of the dialectical interaction of biology with environment. Before turning to these theories, we would like critically to review some of the alternative explanations of sexual inequality.

The child's loyalty is to the social, not the biological, parent.

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According to Wilson:. Through the fiction of adoption, complete strangers are assimilated into the group and treated as if they were brothers, sisters, aunts, uncles, etc.

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The logic is circular. Where aggression and male dominance are found in primate groups, there is some question as to how much of this is natural and how much a response to stress. Indeed, the noted researchers who filmed Baboon Social Organization only induced what they called "latent" dominance behaviour by artificial feeding, while forest baboons placed in cages and fed with clumps of food that had to be competed for showed a great increase in fighting, aggression, and dominance behaviour.

Thus patterns of male domination and female subordination, as well as the sexual double standard, are seen as an outcome of genetically determined mate selection.

"explanations" of male dominance

Among the Lakher of Southeast Asia, is considered related to his mother only by virtue of her marriage to his father. There is evidence from recent ecological research, for example, that rates of change in the incidence of genetically determined traits in a population are very low, and that it takes even longer for a trait to become established at the level of the group than in the case of individual selection.

Most acquired cultural behaviour is thus likely not genetic even if it is adaptive. The sociobiological theory of gene-culture "co-evolution" also depends on an inadequate conception of culture that sees it as being composed of a series of unitary traits "culturgens" each of which evolves independently of the others "through populations by way of the adaptive force of natural selection.

Thus sexual selection acting on the prehistoric division of labour by sex tends to create dominant, public-oriented males and passive, home-centred females. Women also, they assert, have a genetic bias toward concentrating their reproductive interest on men who are socially, economically, or educationally superior to them, as well as physically fit enough to provide for them and their children. Finally, there is little evidence that aggressive or dominant behaviour gives males privileged access to females, thus allowing them to pass on their supposedly more aggressive genes.

The essays in this volume offer differing perspectives on the development of sex role differentiation and sexual inequality the two are by no means identicalbut share a belief that these phenomena did have origins, and that these must be sought in sociohistorical events and processes.

For one thing, it is well known that in societies based on kinship as an organizing principle, expediency rather than actual blood relationship dictates the interactions between individuals. Successful cultural behaviour is transmitted between generations and cultures through the genes. In sum, although few would dispute dating rituals of the Savannah male human behaviour is genetically constrained humans can't fly without the aid of an aeroplanesociobiological theory fails to provide a satisfactory demonstration that either similarities or differences in cultural behaviour can be explained by genetic determination.

A growing body of evidence and theory, however, suggests that this is not the case, and a of scholars have begun to address the issue of male dominance as a historical phenomenon, grounded in a specific set of circumstances rather than flowing from some universal aspect of human nature or culture.

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In answer to these criticisms, sociobiologists have recently attempted to explain cultural variability through the theory that genes and culture "co-evolve. In hunter-gatherer societies, men hunt and women stay at home. A no less reductionist approach to the origins of gender inequality is found in the theories of sociobiology. Not only have chimpanzees been taught to talk and rhesus males to parent in captivity, 8 but increasingly sophisticated techniques of wildlife observation have shown primates to be capable of inventing new cooperative behaviours.

The male dominant savannah baboons live in game parks where predators and humans are concentrated in s far beyond those likely in aboriginal conditions.

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Individuals are believed to be driven dating rituals of the Savannah male their genes to maximize their "inclusive fitness"; they strive, that is, to maximize the of their genes passed on to the next generation, even if this lessens their individual fitness. The sociobiologists thus argue that it is an adaptive genetic trait for females to desire a monogamous union.

But physical sexual dimorphism cannot explain the different roles of the sexes, and far less male dominance, as Leibowitz points out in this volume and elsewhere. There is thus a genetic base for male promiscuity. To some, the very idea of a book on the origins of sexual inequality is absurd. It is true, of course, that there are some readily visible physical differences between men and women that seem to a large degree genetic in origin, and some would argue that these mandate different roles and statuses for the sexes.

This assumption suffers first of all from a confusion of analogy similar traits due to similar functions with homology common genetic ancestry. This explains why bees and ants engage in "suicidal" behaviour that ensures the survival of their group and therefore, since all are related, the survival of more of their genes than if they had saved themselves at the expense of this group. A starting point for many theories of gender inequality is the assumption that biology is destiny: the roles men and women play in society, and the different privileges attached to these roles, are said to be fundamentally determined by our genes, which are in turn the product of natural selection.

Mating patterns range from monogamy to promiscuity by both males and femaleswhile parenting and socialization behaviours are extraordinarily diverse among different species, or even in the same species under different environmental conditions. When the troop is startled. Male dominance seems to them a universal, if not inevitable, relationship that has been with us since the dawn of our species. In the first place, there is much more variability in primate behaviour than these authors admit.

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If they are divorced, the cooperation and interaction of mother and child cease. Moreover, the mechanisms of inheritance are complex and poorly understood. Of course, the capacity for aggressive and dominant behaviour was undoubtedly an important part of primate survival, but this is not the same thing as having such behaviour determined by our genes.

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Among chimpanzees and orangutans, sex is usually initiated by the females, and their choices seem to have little to do with the males' rank. It is an explanation that discounts the inventiveness of human minds and ignores the fact that lack of genetic programming is probably the most important adaptation humans have made. With minor differences in emphasis and use of evidence, a whole series of authors imply that male aggression and dominance with their necessary accompaniment, female passivity or dependence are therefore part of our genetic primate heritage.

Males are also heavier and seem to have greater physical strength, though again the variation among individuals of the same sex is far greater than the average variation between the sexes. This is reinforced by the different genetic strategies required by males and females in order to maximize their inclusive fitness.

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Since "the outcome of the model is determined by the assumptions underlying the model," 16 the possibility that there can be a cultural, as opposed to a genetic, explanation for similar behaviours is "systematically excluded. The origins of sexual inequality are seen as an outcome of genetically programmed male behaviour derived from the species' hunting heritage and continuously selected for since by war and imperialism.

Many scholars now suggest that the normal behaviour patterns of our primate ancestors involved sharing and cooperation rather than aggression, male dominance, and competition.